In both countries, a successful spin dictatorship had trouble dealing with political challenges generated by continued modernisation — in particular, protests organised by a highly educated, cosmopolitan part of the population. The first, immediately after the start of the war, led to the exodus of some 100 to 200 thousand people — there are no fully reliable statistics. It’s not clear whether that reflects a wartime unwillingness to speak frankly or a genuine renewal of trust in the authorities. Between 2017 and late 2021, the share of Russian respondents who feared “a return to mass repression” increased from 21 to 47 percent. With regard to both political prisoners and state killings, there is worrying room for the regime to deteriorate further towards the levels of violence found in many 20th century dictatorships. Police have started targeting not just political activists but a much broader circle of people, aiming to spread fear to all who are tempted to protest.
In the ten years to 2022, the share doing so daily grew from 40 to 74 percent. In the last four years before the Ukraine invasion, the Kremlin was already dismantling Russia’s spin dictatorship in favor of fear. As Putin started tightening screws from 2012, they were pushed to the sidelines, replaced by even more cynical technicians such as Sergei Kirienko. Yet, over time, Putin lost faith in the professionals who had helped construct this sophisticated autocracy. The political opposition is harassed and marginalized — but not banned. In such systems, the regime does not kill or imprison thousands of its political opponents.
- “She reminds me of Legally Bay in every way, in the head and the fact she’s very precocious.
- By 2021, only 42 percent of respondents said their main source of information about domestic events was television.
- In fact, such autocrats start wars or military conflicts less often than fear dictators.
- This remains quite different from the situation in many 20th century fear dictatorships, in which thousands — or even millions — of political prisoners languished for years in labor camps.
- Between 2017 and late 2021, the share of Russian respondents who feared “a return to mass repression” increased from 21 to 47 percent.
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Putin now faces indirect criticism from hardliners for not being brutal enough in his prosecution of the war. One thing the war has changed is the balance within the pro-Kremlin elite. From 47 percent in December 2021, the proportion fearing a “return to mass repression” dropped to just 8 percent in March 2022. And by 2021, 84 percent of Russians said they would not express opinions about the forthcoming parliamentary election in a public place. But the regime's sharp turn toward greater repressions in mid 2010–2020s culminating with the war in Ukraine raised the question of the prerequisites for that change. Verification can help ensure real people are writing the reviews you read on Trustpilot. Learn about Trustpilot’s review process. People who write reviews have ownership to edit or delete them at any time, and they’ll be displayed as long as an account is active. Anyone can write a Trustpilot review. Claim your profile to access Trustpilot’s free business tools and connect with customers.- People who write reviews have ownership to edit or delete them at any time, and they’ll be displayed as long as an account is active.
- Thus, the war spurred and intensified the trend of recent years—regression towards a classic fear dictatorship.
- As Putin started tightening screws from 2012, they were pushed to the sidelines, replaced by even more cynical technicians such as Sergei Kirienko.
- Yet, over time, Putin lost faith in the professionals who had helped construct this sophisticated autocracy.
- Putin now faces indirect criticism from hardliners for not being brutal enough in his prosecution of the war.
- “To be well ahead on the vendors premiership says a lot about the farm itself and our team.